It's pretty clear, too: The picture he paints is of a lonely and persistent struggle to give an accurate appraisal of John F. Kennedy when the late president's family and friends fought him much of the way - as they have other potential biographers.
Distorting the Life of Bobby Kennedy June 4, As the 50th anniversary of his assassination is being remembered on Tuesday, it is vital to have a complete and accurate picture of the complex figure of Robert F.
In recapping his early life, Matthews tells the story of Kennedy graduating from Harvard and going on to pursue a law degree at the University of Virginia, where he was chair of the Student Legal Forum. In that role, he invited some high profile guests to speak in Charlottesville.
Bunche, both a diplomat and professor at Howard University, was African-American, and the invitation was to a state where most of everyday life was still segregated. When Bunche told Kennedy he would not speak before a segregated audience, RFK appealed the issue through four levels of the college administration—saying he would not back down for moral reasons—and won.
Bunche ultimately addressed an overflowing, integrated audience that was about one-third African-American. Matthews mentions the trip, but omits the name of Edmund Gullion, a respected State Department diplomat whom the brothers contacted in Saigon to assess whether France could win its war to re-colonize Indochina.
Guillion also said France could not win a war of attrition, because the home front would not support it. Gullion meeting JFK, August 18, We are still too often doing too little too late to recognize and assist the irresistible movements for independence that are sweeping one dependent territory after another.
Matthews devotes seven pages to this part of the history, though he omits some key points. In fact, in private, he clearly admitted his dispute with Cohn, whom he found reckless and pugnacious, attracting the wrong kind of publicity to the Committee.
Once he resigned, he kept a low profile for a short while and then the Democratic minority appointed him their chief counsel.
After this, Bobby took over the committee and retired two of its most controversial, even absurd, cases, against a Queens, NY dentist, Irving Peress and a Pentagon pastry chef, Annie Lee Moss. Matthews tries to tie them together. When the proceedings ended, Bobby wrote the minority report, which was so critical of McCarthy and Cohn that some Democrats would not sign it.
It recommended the Senate take action for their abuses. The report provoked hearings on the subject of censure; which was the end result. Mathews captures little of the political complexity of this four-year drama. For example, the Committee Republicans, led by Sen. Barry Goldwater, were pleased when RFK began pursuing Hoffa since they thought it would weaken unions, in general.
As chief counsel, RFK made him a featured witness before the Committee. This resulted in the largest fine ever levied against a corporation in a strike until that time. Again, Matthews omits this important biographical material.
Thus, when Johnson did enter, late in the campaign, RFK had to run a two-stage strategy: The first beating Senator Hubert Humphrey in the primaries; the second was to beat Johnson in the local and state delegations in states without primaries.
At this point, a group of advisors convinced JFK to abandon his original choice for vice-president, Senator Stuart Symington of Missouri, and instead pick Johnson, so he could win in the south.
Thus, Matthews took two decades to present what Dulles admitted over 50 years earlier. This discredits what Matthews observed in his previous book Kennedy and Nixon, where he implies there was an equivalency between the two presidents. Matthews virtually eliminates the crucial role Bobby had soon after.
The President appointed him as a member of a White House committee that was mandated to investigate the operation.
During the inquiry, Bobby granted Dulles no quarter, since he already suspected what Dulles later admitted: Lovett advised JFK that he now had the perfect opportunity to do what he, himself, could not. Mongoose was the secret campaign of sabotage and covert actions against Cuba that, after seven months of memo shuffling, was authorized in November and launched in February President Kennedy appointed Bobby to be a kind of ombudsman over the project, since he did not trust the CIA.
He also demanded that every plan include a detailed, written description. To put it mildly, after the freewheeling days of Allen Dulles, the Agency chafed at this studious procedure for Mongoose.
However, this is not the whole story. As author Harry Golden noted, after he was nominated, he told his civil rights advisors that he would break the walls of segregation through legal actions based on three statutes that his predecessor, Dwight Eisenhower, did not use to any significant degree: Board decision ofand the and Civil Rights Acts.
And this is what Attorney General Bobby Kennedy did, filing more civil rights cases in his first year than Eisenhower filed during his two full terms in office. By the end ofhe opened 61 new investigations and byfive times as many lawyers were working on civil rights cases than under Eisenhower.President John F Kennedy in his office during a meeting with Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara and Vice-president Lyndon B Johnson, at the White House in Washington, DC, Dr.
John K. Lattimer () was an expert on the Lincoln assassination as well as the Kennedy family's autopsy expert. This is what he had to say about the Lincoln and Kennedy assassinations in his book Kennedy and Lincoln: Medical and Ballistic Comparisons of Their Assassinations: "The assassination of President John F.
Kennedy has turned out to be almost a replay of the .
Dec 07, · Watch video · The question has been making the rounds for a long time among experts royalists, biographers and the British public. (reality), “human life, . Mar 20, · Ronald Reagan will be remembered as one of America’s greatest presidents and a man of character. John F. Kennedy was a tragic Shakespearean figure who may be forgotten and consigned to the dustheap of history.
― John F. Kennedy “The hottest places in hell are reserved for those who, in times of great moral crisis, maintain their neutrality.” “One person can make a difference, and everyone should try.”. Apr 28, · The New York Times’s Days blog examines the first days of past presidencies.
two days after John F. Kennedy’s assassination, President Lyndon B. Johnson met with his principal national security advisers to consider the most volatile issue he had inherited: Vietnam. The Days blog seeks to answer just that.